1952 also witnessed the beginning of the Ukrainian cultural life development, initially inspired by the party and government circles. The cultural activity, however, was limited to the unprofessional community centres movement that faced many problems. It lacked first of all professional instructors and helpful literature, as well as funds to conduct cultural activities. An important factor here was also an open aversion of the Polish environment to any signs of the Ukrainian artistic life. Mass artistic movement did nevertheless develop after the formation of USCA. It should be noted here that the number of various groups and bands had always been extremely floating. Numerous groups were created, but many ceased existing, as well. Some of them existed only for one season or became active only before festivals. The number of still created groups, however, testified to a considerable engagement of Ukrainians in cultural activities. In 1959 there were 26 choirs, 15 theatre groups, 15 music bands, and 6 dance groups. In 1961, in turn, there were 62 unprofessional artistic groups, including 26 choirs, 21 theatre groups, 9 dance groups, and 5 music bands.

The existing artistic groups and bands performed not only within their own territories, but also toured other regions inhabited by the Ukrainian population. These activities largely contributed to the stimulation of social activity of Ukrainians that kept up their spirits and built up their self-esteem in relation to the Polish environment. It strengthened national ties between Ukrainians and facilitated their contacts hindered by their considerable scattering. And, as the most important thing for Ukrainians, the developing cultural life significantly impeded their denationalisation. An important part in the cultural and educational life of the Ukrainian population played the weekly Nasze Słowo. In those days, and in the years to come, it was the only magazine published in the Ukrainian language in Poland.

There was yet another issue that played one of the most important parts in Ukrainian people’s lives, mainly the Greek Catholic Church. Following the “Wisła” operation that Church formally ceased to exist. Despite that some of the uniate clergy continued to say illegal masses in that denomination. They were celebrated on a permanent basis in Chrzanów near Ełk. One also tried to say masses in other places within the western and northern territories. It was not until 1956, however, that the situation of the Greek Catholic Church in Poland changed. This resulted from political transformations taking place in Poland, and from the improved relations between the State and the Church. Taking advantage of the situation arisen the Greek Catholic clergy started to seek to obtain a permission to say masses. On 14 March 1957 the Primate informed priest W. Hrynyk that the Prime Minister J. Cyrankiewicz allowed to undertake efforts aimed at opening Greek Catholic establishments, yet only within the western and northern territories of Poland.

Government circles’ consent to the opening of the first Greek Catholic parishes, despite an ongoing fight against that denomination, was dictated purely by the existing state of affairs. The government tried, at all costs, to prevent the Ukrainian population from returning home. These activities could be successful only in the event of satisfying the basic needs of Ukrainians in their current place of residence. One of the major postulates presented by Ukrainians to the authorities was the very reactivation of the Greek Catholic Church. The Central Board of the USCA also addressed the government submitting a relevant letter on this issue. Polish decision makers understood that without concessions to Greek Catholics it would be difficult to talk about quick adaptation of Ukrainians in the western and northern territories. For this reason they consented to the formation of Greek Catholic establishments only among the displaced Ukrainians. In 1957, upon the consent of the state and church authorities, 17 establishments were created, to be followed by additional 15 in 1958. Further increase in the number of Greek Catholic parishes was, however, already considerably hindered in the forthcoming years.

At the end of the fifties the authorities considerably intensified their efforts if not to entirely stop independent activities of the USCA, then at least to considerably limit them under the pretext of fighting the Ukrainian nationalism. Liberalisation of government actions towards Ukrainians in 1956 resulted in the USCA being joined by many people who insisted on their rights guaranteed under the Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic, and demanded the fair evaluation of Polish and Ukrainian relations. Government treated this as a manifestation of nationalism, and used it later for total subordination of the USCA. Since the beginning of the sixties the USCA actually began to serve as a “transmission belt” conveying the party line and communist ideology to the Ukrainian community. In this situation many members of the association left. Besides, the abandonment of Ukrainian population’s postulates, especially those relating to the home-coming resulted in a massive drop in Ukrainians’ support for the USCA. This manifested itself in the association being left by numerous members, and in local centres being dissolved. If, according to overestimated data of the Central Board of USCA, in 1959 there were 240 centres with 10,097 members, then in 1961 there were only 208 centres gathering 5,904 members. What also decreased was the number of poviat boards (to 30) and voivodeship boards (to 5). The actual number of members went down to about 3,466 people.

The existence of Ukrainian nationalists was to be proven by trials that found Ukrainians guilty. It was enough to have several books published in the West to be accused of contacts and co-operation with enemies of Poland. In the autumn of 1962 the Voivodeship Court in Zielona Góra sentenced M. Kowalski, the USCA worker to 6 years in prison on the false charge of co-operation with nationalistic Ukrainian centres in the West. On similar charges the linguist B. Strumiński of Warsaw and O. Łebedowycz of Przemyśl were imprisoned. Investigation against priest M. Ripecki took over two years, and ended in a judgement that sentenced him to one and a half years in prison suspended for three years due to his old age.

Government’s fight against Ukrainian nationalism affected the cultural and educational activity of Ukrainians. From those days on the Ukrainian culture was to be “national in form, but socialist in contents.” This was accompanied by problems relating to shortages of instructors, funds and community centres where groups and bands could rehearse. Furthermore, in 1961 the Department of Finance of the Ministry of Internal Affairs significantly reduced its subsidy to the USCA to a third of the budgeted expenses. For the aforementioned reasons the artistic activity of Ukrainians began to wane. In 1961, compared with 1959, the number of choirs went down to 15, music bands to 9, and dance groups to 1. The only number to go up was that of theatre groups (to 44) because their activities did not require considerable funds, and rehearsals could take place in private houses. This form of activities, as well as organised lectures, was also favoured by the government. In order to stimulate the artistic activity of the Ukrainian population and to improve the artistic level of unprofessional bands and groups the Central Board of USCA began to organise Ukrainian culture festivals in Poland. The first festival was held in 1967 in Sanok, and was attended by 14 bands selected country-wide. The second festival was organised in 1968 in Kętrzyn, and hosted 16 bands. The third festival was held the next year in Koszalin, where 18 bands performed. Each festival was preceded by regional qualifying selection, on the basis of which individual bands entered the festival. Qualifying selections and festivals themselves were highly popular among Ukrainians who participated in them in great numbers, arriving from all parts of the country. Owing to this new relations were established, social meetings held, views, including the political ones, exchanged.

The sixties also witnessed the Ukrainian educational system’s crisis. In the 1969-1970 school year what operated were only 3 primary schools (Biały Bór, Banie Mazurskie, Jaroszówka), one secondary school in Legnica, and Ukrainian forms in Polish secondary schools in Bartoszyce (final forms of the former Pedagogical Secondary School) and Górowo Iławieckie. The number of teaching points went down to 96. In Zielonogórskie Voivodeship all teaching points ceased to exist. The total number of 2,341 students learnt Ukrainian, including 221 pupils in primary schools, 214 students in secondary schools, and 1,906 individuals at teaching points. The Ukrainian philology at the Pedagogical Secondary School in Bartoszyce and at the Teachers College in Szczecin was liquidated, too.

Fight against the Ukrainian nationalism also meant fight against the Greek Catholic Church, which manifested itself in denying the congregation access to their churches. In 1961 Security Service officers deceitfully managed to close the Greek Catholic church in Komańcza. In 1962 it was reopened, but already as an Orthodox church. Let us add that the authorities meant not only to liquidate the Greek Catholic establishment, but also to set Ukrainians of both denominations at variance. One also closed Greek Catholic churches in Sanok and Krempna. Apart from that no consent was given to the opening of new Greek Catholic establishments among Ukrainians, which found numerous supporters among the local Latin parish-priests. The clergy was subjected to permanent surveillance by security agencies. It is known that priests were regularly intruded upon by Security Service officers who urged them to give up their priestly duties. It so happened that they were threatened with death on those occasions.

Ukrainian population’s situation in Poland deteriorated in 1968. Anti-Semitic opinions resulting from March events fanned antipathy towards Ukrainians, as well. Authorities began to increasingly promote the slogan of social integration of Ukrainians seeing it as an attempt at denationalising them. The presiding officers of voivodeship national councils were told to tighten the supervision over Ukrainian population and undertake actions with a view to their full integration. Among the Polish community, in turn, anti-Ukrainian actions intensified. In some regions they were so strong that local Ukrainians intended to migrate to Ukraine. Nevertheless discussions organised on government’s recommendation and relating to issues to be discussed at the 5th congress of PUWP became an opportunity for Ukrainians to present their postulates. Among other things on 2 November 1968 a petition from Lemkowszczyzna was received by the Applications Commission of the 5th Congress of PUWP demanding that a commission on investigation and proper solution of problems relating to the Lemk population be appointed at the central level. In their opinion one should first: 1) rectify moral injuries and material damage occasioned by the “Wisła” operation; 2) introduce full equality of political (representation on national councils and in the Sejm), economic (cancellation of the decree of 27 July 1949 and the Act of 12 March 1958), and cultural rights (development of culture, conservation of relics of the past, opening of museums, formation of a professional Lemk band); 3) ensure mandatory teaching of the Ukrainian language and disseminate native language education for adults; 4) acknowledge the Lemks’ share in revolutionary activities and fight against the invader. Unfortunately, all those postulates remained on paper only.

The sixties, however, were also a period of Ukrainians gradually growing into one with their new environment in which they found themselves as a result of the “Wisła” operation. Significant limitation of any possibilities of returning home with simultaneous financial help from the state in settling in the western and northern territories, as well as the possibility, although in a considerably limited form, of satisfying their basic cultural, educational and religious needs resulted in the fact that the adaptation process among Ukrainians was becoming more and more visible. Some of them, especially those who concealed their nationality, ceased to teach their children their national language replacing it with Polish.

Anti-Ukrainian actions taken by the authorities were for a short period of time disrupted by December events of 1970. Changes in the government and first speeches given by E. Gierek, the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of PUWP, gave the impression of revival of the party and state policy including ethnic issues, as well. The Ukrainian community resumed its efforts aimed at enforcing their demands. However, these remained on paper, and their signatories were victimised. Once the social and political situation in Poland had been stabilised, the state authorities resumed the policy of denationalisation of Ukrainians and other national minorities. This line of government activity was consistent with the thesis of Poland being a single nation country. This was the government’s major guideline in the ethnic policy. Its implementation meant in practice the denationalisation of minorities and gradual dissolution of minority associations whose existence brought the aforementioned thesis in question. An opportunity to considerably limit activities of the USCA and weaken its position became the new territorial division of Poland in 1975, as a result of which authorities liquidated intermediate structures between the Central Board and its local centres, i.e. voivodeship and poviat boards of the USCA. The Central Board of USCA was well aware of consequences of such decision. A meeting was held with representatives of the Central Committee of PUWP and the Ministry of Internal Affairs in order to obtain their permission to form some intermediate cells. This issue was even submitted to Stanisław Kania, the Secretary of the CC of PUWP. All those efforts, however, failed. In addition, the government forced the introduction of relevant amendments in the statutes, and adoption thereof by the next congress of USCA delegates.

Changes in the USCA structure, amendments to the Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic coincided with the government’s intensified activities aimed at making Poland the country of one nation. In February 1976 the 3rd Plenary Assembly of the Central Committee of PUWP adopted a resolution which stated that further development of Poland should follow the policy of an ethnically homogeneous state. Actions undertaken in accordance with that spirit consisted not only in the accelerated denationalisation of Ukrainians, but also in the liquidation of Ukrainian cultural relics in the south-eastern territories. The first to fall a victim to those actions were abandoned Orthodox churches: some of them because of abandonment and negligence, others through deliberate devastation or demolition, or by being set on fire or even blown up. In August 1977 the Ministry of Administration, Local Industry and Environment Protection changed about 120 Ukrainian names of villages and towns. These actions, however, were opposed not only by the Ukrainian community and USCA, but also by the Polish Academy of Sciences and the Polish Writers’ Association. The Ukrainian population perceived the government’s actions as an attempt at removing any Ukrainian traces from the south-eastern territories of Poland. This was compared to the activities of the German authorities in occupation that changed Polish names into the German ones. For the next several years the dissentient voices were left unanswered, and it was not until January 1981 that one decided to reintroduce former names.

In the seventies the number of people learning Ukrainian further decreased. In the 1976-77 school year 138 students attended the Secondary School of General Education in Legnica, and 134 students attended the one in Górów. 68 pupils, in turn, attended the Primary School in Biały Bór, and 62 that in Banie Mazurskie. The number of teaching points went down to 37 attended by 744 students. The total of 1,146 individuals learnt Ukrainian, and that number decreased over the next years. In the 1980-81 school year there were 112 students in Legnica, 77 in Górów, 78 in Biały Bór, and 42 in Banie Mazurskie. 551 students attended the 28 teaching points. The total of 860 people learnt Ukrainian.

Cultural activity of Ukrainians looked slightly better. In 1971 there were 61 unprofessional bands, whereas in 1976 there were only 43 of them left, including 8 choirs, 8 concert bands, 2 folk-song and dance groups, 3 dance groups, 5 music bands, 2 folk bands, 1 theatre group, 1 puppet show group and 13 children groups. In the period from 1972 to 1974 those bands and groups gave about 360 concerts. Particularly popular were USCA representative choirs “Żurawli” and “Duma”, as well as performances of youth bands from Secondary Schools in Legnica and Górów Iławiecki. In 1980, according to the information of the Central Board of USCA, there were about 67 various groups and bands.

Intensified cultural activity of Ukrainians was inconvenient to the authorities because artistic events stimulated the sense of Ukrainians’ national separateness. For that reason the authorities tried to limit this activity, and the fact of not allowing to form the professional Ukrainian song and dance group “Kobza” constitutes an ample proof of that. The ability to hold Ukrainian culture festivals was considerably impeded and limited. If the first three festivals had been organised each year, then festivals IV and V were held every two years (in 1971 and 1973), with festivals VI and VII being already held every four years (in 1977 and 1981). Apart from that funds for the purchase of instruments, costumes, etc. were reduced or not allocated at all. Through the authorities’ fault USCA circles were not assigned community centres, and those they received were not always suitable for rehearsals. It so happened that events could not be held because it was impossible to rent a suitable room. Repertoire (not only songs and music, but also dances) was supervised by censors.

An important task was also to encourage the Ukrainian youth to work for the USCA. Leaving young people outside USCA structures would in practice mean losing control over them, which in turn could lead to their future uniting and acting outside USCA structures. Besides, without young people the USCA would become a weak and ageing organisation. A decision was made to widely involve young people in all the forms of statutory activities of the Association; to stimulate cultural and educational activity among them; and even to furnish USCA community centres with audio-visual equipment, as well as newspapers and magazines. Owing to those activities the Association started to attract young people as its new members. The increase in the number of Ukrainian students, Ukrainian schools and Ukrainian language teaching points graduates was of considerable importance here, too. Some of them were characterised by high degree of national consciousness, were full of enthusiasm and willing to work for the benefit of the Ukrainian community. Furthermore, they were people born in the western and northern territories, free of historical burdens and having good understanding of the surrounding reality. It was mainly them who reinforced the USCA as there was no other job or alternative for them other than the USCA. If at the end of 1969 the number of USCA members amounted to 4,753 individuals, then in 1976 it reached about 5,400 members united in 175 local centres. The increase in membership took place first of all in city centres that gathered 67% of young people aged 25 or under from among the total 20% of young people being the USCA members.

The turning point in the Ukrainian community life in Poland was the beginning of the eighties. The formation of “Solidarity” gave rise to an open criticism of the hitherto implemented internal policy of the government. Government’s behaviour towards national minorities was criticised, as well. It should be noted that the majority of “Solidarity” leaders did not have much knowledge about life or needs of national minorities. Many of them, as the passage of time was to prove, presented nationalistic views and were for full Polonisation. In the situation of those days, however, “Solidarity” presented favourable attitudes towards national minorities. First articles began to be published that presented a new outlook on the issue of national minorities, including Ukrainians, in Poland. A proposal was presented to the Ministry of Education to write new school-books taking account of the issues relating to national minorities. The climax of those activities was the adoption of a resolution regarding national minorities at the 1st Congress of “Solidarity”.

Formation of “Solidarity” and general political animation of the Polish society affected attitudes of the majority of Ukrainians, as well. They accepted the revival of political life as a promise of improvement of their own situation. They repeated their demands. In their petition to the Sejm the Ukrainian community in Szczecin wrote: “We, citizens of Poland of Ukrainian nationality, together with the entire Polish nation, sincerely welcome the process of revival in the social and political life of our country. We also expect a change in the government’s and state administration bodies’ attitude towards the issue of national minorities in Poland, as well as social and cultural needs.”

Ukrainian community activation as well as the fact of their joining “Solidarity” was harshly criticised by the authorities. They were again accused of nationalism. In November 1980, during his Sejm speech, General Oliwa said that one disseminated anti-Polish “leaflets bearing the stamp of nationalist Ukrainian ‘tryzub’ ”, whereas in August 1981 at the 2nd Plenary Assembly of the Central Committee of PUWP Albin Siwak, Member of the Political Bureau called national minorities’ activities the creation of the “fifth column.” Let us add that such statements were objected to by the Central Board of USCA in its open letter to Mr. Siwak, as well as by Tygodnik Solidarność and Tygodnik Powszechny. Authorities also proceeded to liquidate the only Ukrainian press organ Nasze Słowo.

During the revival period Ukrainian students who did not perceive the USCA as their representative organisation became very active, and started to form their own organisational structures. On 1 May 1981 the formation of the Ukrainian Students’ Association in Poland was proclaimed. With the assistance of “Solidarity” lawyers its statutes were written and one applied to the Ministry of Higher Education for its registration. The statutes stated that the Association operated in accordance with the Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic, had a right to establish contacts with Ukrainian organisations in Poland and abroad, was independent of the university authorities, state institutions, as well as political and social organisations. The application, however, met with refusal, the Ministry having been of an opinion that Ukrainian students could realise their ambitions within the framework of student organisations or social and cultural associations that already existed. All those activities, however, were temporarily disrupted by the martial law. The USCA activities were suspended, several Ukrainians, “Solidarity” members, were interned. Anti-Ukrainian propaganda grew stronger. Nevertheless changes initiated before led to the ‘crystallisation’ of Ukrainian people’s attitudes. Apart from activities in the underground “Solidarity,” the opposition to the Central Board of USCA, as well as efforts to create church organisations and such that would be alternative to the USCA  were becoming more and more visible.

Despite the fact that the majority of postulates put forward by the Ukrainian population remained unfulfilled, it was nevertheless allowed to exist as a national minority. Still, government’s actions were aimed at counteracting what was called “artificial widening or strengthening of ethnic divisions.” It was no wonder then that the government’s concessions were of a limited nature. The authorities did not allow to open new schools, but gave their consent to the increase in the number of Ukrainian language teaching points. The development of the Greek Catholic Church was allowed, but only within the framework of the Roman Catholic Church. Consent was given to the formation of Ukrainian students’ association, yet within the structures of the existing Polish Students’ Association. The USCA was allowed to establish an intermediate cell between the local centre and the supreme authorities, and to organise Ukrainian culture festivals on a regular basis.

At the end of the eighties there were 47 unprofessional Ukrainian bands and groups, including 15 folk bands, 5 choirs, 4 dance groups, 18 instrumental and vocal bands, 1 theatre group and 3 poetry groups. Educational system included 56 Ukrainian language teaching points, the Primary School in Biały Bór, and the Secondary School of General Education in Legnica, as well as Ukrainian forms at the Primary School in Banie Mazurskie and the Secondary School of General Education in Górów Iłewiecki. There was the total of 1,432 students.

The eighties were a period of further widening of divisions among Ukrainians that has been taking place until today. As a result of the assimilation process three basic groups emerged. The first group is formed by Ukrainians characterised by high national consciousness, speaking Ukrainian language and familiar with their native culture, fostering national and religious traditions. The second group includes individuals with a slightly weaker sense of national consciousness, less and less frequently speaking their native language. Their participation in the Ukrainian population’s life is limited to the participation in masses celebrated in their own denomination, and, occasionally, in Ukrainian cultural events. The third group, in turn, is formed by people who are only aware of their Ukrainian origin and who consider themselves more Polish than Ukrainian. Conscious Ukrainians (the first group) call them “perekinczykiw” (literally “shifters”), i.e. those who rejected their nationality. Today it is difficult to quantify those groups as no institution gathers such statistics. It is only assumed that the first two groups include about 300,000 people. From author’s own observations it follows that the most numerous group is the third group, then the second, and finally the first one. This results from the ongoing Polonisation process. Let us add that significant changes have taken place in the entire Ukrainian population’s psyche, as well. This was affected not only by the deportation and the aforementioned assimilation process, but also by the change of generations. The older generation was largely gone, and its place taken by young people born already in the western and northern territories, who no longer had such emotional ties with their fathers’ land. Nostalgia of the majority of parents for their homeland that in their minds assumed the proportions of paradise lost prevented them from instilling love for the new land in their children, too. For those reasons young people left villages and migrated to towns and cities perceiving it at the same time as a social rise since it was connected with better education. This also resulted from the natural urbanisation process. By that means the Ukrainian population began to lose their original nature of country people in favour of becoming an urban population. Larger concentrations of Ukrainians started to be formed in towns and cities.

Political transformations in Poland after 1989 brought about changes also in the government’s policy towards national minorities that one began to treat in those days as a subject rather than object.